June 5, 2020
GUEST POST from our friends at Unbiased America.
Since 2006, at least 1,881 police officers have been fired from 37 of the nation’s largest departments for misconduct of various types. Yet in nearly a quarter (451) of those cases, departments were forced to reinstate the fired officers after appeals required by union contracts.
By making it harder to remove officers who engage in misconduct, police union contracts can perpetuate that behavior within departments.
Indeed a 2018 study found that unionization increased violent misconduct incidents committed by a department by 40%. And union contracts often place restrictions on the measures available to address misconduct. For example, it’s written into many police union contracts that investigators are not allowed to question officers who’ve been involved in a shooting until days after the event. And many police departments essentially allow officers to collaborate on a use-of-force report and permit officers to view bodycam recordings before writing a report to “get the story straight.”
Another way that unions shield their members from oversight is by making it difficult to investigate complaints. In Portland, Oregon, for example, a 2012 Justice Department investigation revealed that two-thirds of complaints were dismissed without inquiry because they could not pass the hurdles set up by the union rules to even begin an investigation. And those that did get investigated were subject to a six-tier review process that took more than a year to complete. Very few complaints were ever resolved.
Such rules are not isolated to a few departments, unfortunately. A study of police union contracts in 81 of America's 100 largest cities found:
April 28, 2020
At the 2019 height of the Hong Kong protests, we shared the now beloved video of a protester giving President Donald Trump this advice: “Donald Trump, don't trust China! China is asshole!"
This week, I interviewed that man, Paladin Cheng ( 鄭實 ) to get an update on how the fight for independence in Hong Kong is going in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. This interview is being partially paraphrased to handle the language barrier.
Born in Hong Kong 38 years ago, Cheng is a native, and this movement is as personal as it gets. He was 7 years old when the Chinese tanks rolled through Tiananmen Square in 1989 and 15 during the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China in 1997. He has seen the growth of the Communist Party’s control his entire life and these protests mark a landmark moment for him: a moment where “the CPC has taken away their mask and shown their world that they are shameless and cruel.”
To recap, this ongoing protest movement exploded in size and fervor in the summer of 2019, when the Chinese government pressed for a new extradition bill that would send alleged criminals from Hong Kong in to the mainland for trial. The protestors see this as a direct assault on the “One country, two systems” policy that maintains Hong Kong’s self-governance.
There were intense stand-offs as protestors took to the streets and disrupted public proceedings on the bill. On Sunday, June 9, 2019, over one million people flooded the streets and marched in protest of the bill, making them one of the largest public protests in human history.
That protest has not ended, however it has been stalled in the COVID-19 pandemic. According to Cheng, Here’s how the pro-Beijing forces are exploiting the COVID-19 emergency to silence and squash the pro-independence movement
Today, the protest is still maturing, and growing. Though the threat of Beijing is large, Cheng feels they have the massive, though quieted support of the people. “Even as I waved the Hong Kong Independence flag in the protests in 2019, some people would buy me water, give me thumbs up, and whisper ‘I support you.’”
I asked how the rest of the world can help the fight for freedom in Hong Kong. What the movement needs now, according to Cheng, is the backing of the international community. The people of Hong Kong are spirited, fighting for their lives and their freedom against the government of the largest nation on Earth.
“Understand that Hong Kong is just not a part of China, Hong Kong is being colonized by China.”
When I asked if that means military intervention is okay or necessary, he said “It is a contradiction between keeping human rights and being ruled by the CPC. [...] If we are left to be a Colony, we only have two choices: to be a slave or to be a corpse.”
August 30, 2018
We’re members of a platform that houses an innumerable array of intersecting communities. The communities have their own lingos, visual and social grammar, rituals, and norms. The platform managers position themselves as upholders of these communities, but the communities are not their customers.
This important distinction explains the use of banning, purging, and silencing users based on a myriad of reasons. From hate speech to ‘inauthentic behavior,’ the potential violation of ‘community standards’ of these platforms has become a widely utilized tool to signal the platform’s cooperation with certain expectations, whether from Congress or from some of their vocal critics.
I was recently post-banned. Facebook requires you to log back in and shows you the post that violated their community standard, then tells you how long you are not allowed to post. First strike is 24 hours, the second is 3 days, third and beyond are 30 days. This time, I hit my third strike. I was sentenced to 30 days in Facebook jail.
In a way, it’s a form of digital incarceration. You get to see everything happening as you normally would, but you can’t react-response to anything, you can’t comment, you can’t message others, and you can’t operate any pages or groups that you admin. The only thing you can do is accept or reject friend requests, unfriend current friends, and allow tagged photos to show up on your timeline.
There is an almost beautiful order to this. The more invested you are into the Facebook platform, the more reason you have to police yourself and the greater reach you have on Facebook, the more people there are who can report and police your behavior. The punishment is intermingled with your value of the platform itself. The punishment is of human design, but its impact is considerably worrisome.
In the early days of social media circa-2006, this new era was being heralded from Silicon Valley to DC as the beginning of Web 2.0. The internet was going to be democratized and people across the globe would be invited to participate in their communities to such a wonderful degree. The spirit of the time was absolute excitement for a free and democratic future. Who could resist such an optimistic sentiment for open and free platforms?
But they missed the keystone to the structures of social media companies—who’s paying for it?
Advertisers, as much as I have interest and positive feelings for, are simple people. When it comes to social media communities, things are either good or bad: if it’s controversial, it’s going to make bad-feelings, and bad feelings are not what they want. Only good-feelings are allowed.
There can be some nuance here. Good-feelings can include a sense of purpose or righteousness that comes from a politically charged piece from Buzzfeed or NowThis, but ultimately, that too boils down to a matter of good-feelings for their specific audience. Any actually challenging brand is at worst, bad-bad-bad, and at best, simply too difficult to place into any audience. When you consider the kind of enlightened liberal ideals of rigorous discussion and democratic virtues of participation, the demands of advertisers are absolutely opposed to it.
A rigorous discussion is often painful to endure. Have you ever been challenged over beliefs integral to yourself and your vision of the community around you? It would categorically fit into the ‘bad-feelings’ branch of content. That’s not something Glade scented candles wants to pay for. More worryingly, it’s not something you yourself would want to pay for, either. In fact, the only people who pay for that kind of stuff are donors to academic institutions and nonprofits. They pay academics to go study and debate things—the academics themselves aren’t even paying to do it! They get paid to do it, and as we’ve seen, even their donors can be scant with whims of their own. Democratic values are indeed much more rare than we may assume.
Such ideals have only been achieved through absolute inevitability. You may crash into someone else who doesn’t see it like you do. Maybe it’s because you’re geographically locked in, like in a classroom, a team sport, a workplace, or an extended family dinner, but with Web 2.0, we now can curate a community entirely of our choosing. This removes the inevitability of encountering disagreements. This would be fine if only disagreements weren’t fundamental to sharing perspectives and growing from the experience.
It’s here that Facebook Jail becomes such a curious notion to me. It is a mechanism that is component to whatever reorganizing of social systems is already underway. It reinforces something—a sort of conformity towards some blurred social policy, but again, the policy is ultimately dictated by advertisers. I was handed a 30 day post-ban because I offended someone who saw a post on my 10,000-follower meme page. That instance of offense was all it took to tell an advertiser that I’m a bad-actor. At this point, I’ve already had to sit-out 1/12th of 2018.
The more our general society develops into a digital society, the more serious this becomes. Traditionally, we remove people from civil society through a system of due process for the purpose of protecting liberty and wresting the hands of power away from abusiveness. If we have a large component of civil society existent upon digital life, then will we have the same apprehension towards punishment, and not just punishment, but from actually removing people from society? Should we?
July 17, 2018
Win Bigly: Persuasion In A World Where Facts Don't Matter
Author: Scott Adams, 2017
Politics, Psychology, Non-Fiction
If I were to recommend one book to someone who hates Trump, or thinks he’s an idiot, this would be it.
Scott Adams describes himself as an Ultra Liberal, meaning liberals are typically too conservative for him. He has some weird opinions, like that men should sideline themselves on the abortion debate, and we should consider paying reparations to black Americans via a tax on the top 1%. That should be enough for many liberals to entertain the idea of reading this book. But it’s important to note that Adams is a trained hypnotist, and a “lifelong student of persuasion.”
He’s also the author of the Dilbert comics. However, he authored this specific book because he was one of the first people to predict a Trump win in 2016, when everyone else thought it was insanity. This book is the election through his eyes. The question raised in ‘Win Bigly’ really is, if you open yourself to the idea that things may not be as they seem, or as the media portrays them, is it possible that Trump isn’t as dumb as you might think he is? (Even if you don’t like him.)
Everybody jokes about “7D chess,” but to what extent is that a reality? Trump literally wrote the book on negotiation, and people are still surprised when he acts it out. Throwing out an extreme and working back to the “middle” still has liberals AND conservatives terrified at the first offer. They can’t get past what it looks like on the surface, and that’s understandable. As Adams says, how could you recognize a business negotiation tactic if you’ve never studied business negotiation? It’s not 7D chess if it’s extremely simple. It’s just not what it appears to be at first glance. This book provides concrete examples and an explanation of how “7D chess” was being played during the 2016 election, and it isn’t complicated. It’s just persuasion-- and Trump is a Master Persuader.
‘Win Bigly’ not only shows Trump in a different light and through different lenses, but it’s also something of a self-help book. Adams’ persuasion tips are something that everyone can leverage. You don’t have to like Trump to read this and get something out of it. You can see what Trump got right, and where Hillary went wrong, from someone who predicted the outcome early. Or just convince your boss to give you a raise.
Here’s an example of one of the persuasion tips he offers. When you associate two ideas or images, people’s emotional reaction to them will begin to merge over time. Adams shows this with the examples of Trump aligning his brand with Reagan, and Carly Fiorina accidentally aligning hers with a dead baby. Visual persuasion is everything. Considering how the direction of Trump moving from “Hitler” to “incompetent baby” to “competent, but I don’t like it” is playing out, it doesn’t seem like an accident.
Whatever your opinion is of him, Trump is something different in politics. Scott Adams can help you understand why. Or maybe he just has me hypnotized.